Over the past few days, the arrest of renowned Egyptian businessman Mohammed Alamine has been rampant on social media. The media mogul who founded the CBC Network in 2011 has rapidly become one of Egypt’s most famous television networks and has been charged with trafficking and sexual abuse.
According to a press release from the Egyptian prosecutor, Amin has been accused of sexually abusing and even assaulting a girl in an orphanage owned by Venice. In parallel, another lustrous businessman, Hassan Rateb, who founded Al-Mehwar TV before 2011, and Parliamentarian Alaa Hassanein, were being tried in ancient trafficking to drive this trend. That is.
The simultaneous trial of businessmen raised questions about what was happening between Egyptian business circles and authorities.
Over the past few years, Egyptian authorities have targeted a large number of businessmen suspected of having sympathy for the Muslim Brotherhood. Beyond them was Hassan Malek, a notorious businessman from the Muslim Brotherhood. He was arrested in 2015 and subsequently sentenced to life imprisonment. Marek and Saudi Arabia were followed by other businessmen who had loose ties to the Muslim Brotherhood. Omar El Shenity was arrested in 2019 for a cell of hope and imprisoned for a candidacy at the time. -Future Congress.
Another case was Sayed Al-Swerki, owner of the Al-Tawhid wa Al-Nour department store, the most popular and oldest department store in the country. Swerki was arrested in 2020 and the government confiscated his huge store.
The above is just one example of a businessman aiming to claim a relationship with the Muslim Brotherhood, but the full range cannot be counted here. Nonetheless, many other businessmen have been targeted, but there is no such suspicion. The most striking case is Sarah Diab, a Egyptian tycoon and a member of the American Chamber of Commerce in Egypt.
Diab was targeted after a phone leak between him and former presidential candidate Ahmad Shafik. The latter was arrested in 2018 and deported to Egypt after announcing his intention to run for president. Since then, Armas Real Gray ParrotEgypt’s popular Private Daily, owned by Saladivab, was discovered as one of Egypt’s rare and independent media that has not yet been expropriated by the administration’s security agencies.Saladiva was pressured to make concessions Armas Real Gray Parrot, And he was arrested for several weeks in 2020.
After all, the latest incident was with Safwan Thabit, the founder and owner of Juhayna Food Industries, which monopolizes dairy products in Egypt. Thabit has a family relationship with historical figures of the Muslim Brotherhood. Still, he is known for his colorless indifference to politics, so he could find his economic empire under former President Mohammed Hosni Mubarak, who continued to be fiercely tense with the Muslim Brotherhood. I was able to do it. In 2015, the Egyptian Exchange suspended the Sabit share exchange in Juhaynah by a decision of a committee assigned to confiscate Muslim Brotherhood shares and assets. Nevertheless, Thabit was not arrested until December 2020, and a few months later his son Seif became chairman of Juhayna. Egyptian officials then accused Thabit of funding terrorism. Last October, Egyptian police declared that they had arrested Tabit’s assistant, Yehia Malang, who was preparing to fund the Muslim Brotherhood’s terrorist activities.
Reports by Egypt Watch and other independent Egyptian media targeted Tabit and his family not because of terrorism, but because of pressure on Tabit to hand over most of his shares in Juhaynah to the military. It was revealed that it was done.
As for Al-Amin and Rateb, they do not object to Al-Sisi, especially Al-Amin, who is known for his hostility to the Muslim Brotherhood. Amin was a media mogul who sponsored Egyptian comedian media critic Bassem Youssef, who attacked the late President Mohammed Morsi violently during his tenure and was a member of a media campaign against him.Amine also established Alwatan Daily In 2012, we adopted an editing line that became compliant with the new regime of Arsisi’s beliefs. But what happened at Al-Amin can be explained by the Al-Amin liaison with Emirates, who reportedly have tense relations with Egypt.
Tensions between the current Egyptian Arsisi administration and the business elite also took various forms other than arrest and confiscation. For example, they appeared when Mohamed Aboul Enin, owner of the Egyptian tycoon of Ceramica Cleopatra, parent Sisi Sada Al-Balad TV, tried to play a political role in the new government. As a result, Aboul Enin has been appointed Vice President of the National Future Party, a party sponsored by the state that controls the parliament. Nonetheless, Aboul Enin had to run for parliament from the party title after recognizing his position on the electoral rolls to another candidate.
Most recently, a statement by Naguib Sawiris, who criticized the involvement of military operations as an anti-free market situation, raises questions about the status of the relationship between Egyptian tycoons and the most famous businessmen and the Egyptian government. did. Sawiris was banished from politics in early 2015 after the Free Egyptians, many of the former military personnel of the party founded by Sawiris, took power and defeated him.
But the overall scene shows that Arsisi isn’t relaxing in the current businessmen community inherited from Mubarak. On the contrary, he is eager to replace them with a new, more loyal community that is directly linked to his administration.
Over the past few years, the government has assigned large public projects to contractors without bidding. These contractors are usually known for their relationships with security agencies and partnerships with former military personnel. Among those contractors is Saeed Mahmoud, a former owner of The Nile Company for Roads and Bridges, managed by General Intelligence. Saeed works with Egyptian counselor Farouk Al-Qadi, a former general, and has a family network within the military and government agencies that will take over his business.
This is an example of the “customer list” system Al-Sisi built in Egypt. He aims to trade economic benefits for a new business community because of his devoted political support and his organic relationship with his administration. Such “customerism” strengthens his power, but distorts the financial scene and strains relationships with the old elite.
The new Sisi elite is structurally different from the Mubarak elite. The old elite, which developed from the 70’s to the 80’s, mainly worked abroad during the economic opening era of Sadat and acquired distributors of foreign brands and products, with specialized know-how, expertise and core. It consisted of senior experts who have built up capital. Meanwhile, the new long-awaited elite are trivial retailers, contractors, and former military personnel. They are increasing their wealth from government projects through interest networks within the military and government agencies.
The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20220114-sisis-new-elite-contractors-ex-militaries-and-businessmen-who-support-him/ Contractors, former military personnel, businessmen who support him – Middle East Monitor